U.S. plots with right wing in Bolivia

Right-wing forces in several departments (regions) of Bolivia, under the guidance of reactionary governors, began a campaign of destruction and mayhem after Evo Morales' government got overwhelming support in an August nationwide referendum (see Bolivia's referendum in the Aug.-Sept. N&L). Attacks on federal government offices and human rights organizations were designed to intimidate and terrorize supporters of Morales, who chose not to respond immediately.

Who did respond were thousands from Bolivia's social movements, particularly Indigenous campesinos and urban activists. They took to the streets, even in departments with a right-wing voting majority, to defend the Morales government against this attempted "civic coup." For the moment they have halted the right-wing offensive, but the cost has been high.

On Sept. 11 a thousand men, women and children from the tropical department of Pando were on a march toward the capital, Cobija, to protest Gov. Leopoldo Fernández's attempt to take over the city and airport. They were met by assassins/paramilitaries, most probably organized by the governor, who murdered 30 marchers. "This was a massacre of farmers; this is something that we should not allow," said one of the protesters. Only then did Morales declare a state of siege and send troops into the department.

Ever since Morales' election as president, U.S. Ambassador Philip Goldberg has been encouraging the reactionary rebel governors. His response to their organized terrorism, which occurred after the Presidential and governors' referendum, was not to condemn it, but to travel to the region for more conspiratorial meetings. The Morales government reacted by expelling Goldberg.

Are we seeing here actions similar to U.S. behavior in Chile in the period leading up to Salvador Allende's overthrow on Sept. 11, 1973? If a civic coup did not work, can a military coup a la Pinochet be ruled out? The U.S. has developed so many contacts in the Bolivian military, one cannot have confidence that it will continue to back the government.

The departmental governors are in full opposition to the scheduled December vote on the newly drawn-up constitution. The new constitution would give the state more control over the economy and national resources, instead of the separatism the governors demand, but give autonomy to Indigenous communities. It lays out a mixed economy of private, public and communal industries.

The Bolivian government, as in Venezuela and now Ecuador, is seeking to transform society through rewriting the laws, particularly by adopting a new constitution. As admirable as many of the aims and changes are, how will such a constitution be enforced? How will it be implemented to provide at least a partial social transformation of Bolivian society?

In a dialogue with the right-wing governors being facilitated by the President of the Organization of American States, Morales stated, "I want to sign a document that will allow for the pacification of the country. . .and guarantee a new political constitution for the state." At the same time he noted, "I have a letter from the mobilized social movements. . .we await their participation."

Indeed, it is the power of the social movements that is the key for any lasting change in Bolivia. Only they, not the Bolivian military, nor even the Morales government, can implement, make concrete, and defend social and human rights in the constitution. Only they can truly test this new constitution, and move beyond some of its narrow economic limits.

Debates are taking place in Bolivia that do not separate the need to respond to the very real threat from the reactionaries of the right from the necessity to deepen the Bolivian revolutionary process. Despite many hopes, peace--or a stalemate--in Bolivia may not be viable, particularly if the U.S. continues its backstage maneuvers. How can the power of the mobilized social movements become decisive in defending the Bolivian revolutionary process? Peace through civil war, not only against the reactionary right but for a deepening of social transformation, may of necessity come to be on the agenda.

--E. W.

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