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NEWS & LETTERS, November 2004

Our Life and Times by Kevin A. Barry

Palestine and Israel at a turning point?

The battle over the future of Palestine and Israel is so central to our crisis-ridden world that, even in October, it seemed to unfold with hardly a glance at the U.S. election.

The first big event was a move by Israel’s Ariel Sharon, who pushed a plan to evacuate the Jewish settlements in the Gaza Strip through the Knesset, dividing his Likud Bloc and developing a tacit alliance with the Labor Party. To be sure, Sharon did so not because he has transformed himself from war criminal to peace dove, but because of realities on the ground, including demography. He wants to give up internal (but not external) control of Gaza, the better to hold onto Jerusalem and large chunks of the West Bank, which he is walling off.

Sharon is laboring under the grand illusion that he can impose peace by cutting off both Gaza and the Palestinian areas of the West Bank from Israel. He really believes--and so do most Israelis--that this can contain the Intifada that since 2000 has claimed 3,000 Palestinian and 1,000 Israeli lives.

The sudden deterioration of Yasir Arafat’s health and his possible impending death is a truly historic event. The Israeli leadership believes that without Arafat a more compliant Palestinian leadership might emerge that would negotiate on Israel’s terms, or that a weakened and divided one would be unable to challenge Israel either on the ground or in the battle for international public opinion.

This is an even greater illusion. The growth of Palestinian nationalism, under Arafat’s leadership, and the support it has developed among the world’s more than one billion Muslims is one of the central political facts of our era. It is a fact that has played no small role in the failure of the U.S. occupation of Iraq. Sooner or later, the Israeli leadership will be forced to recognize this fact, no matter how much U.S. backing it receives.

To be sure, some hard infighting is likely within Palestinian society should Arafat die. Hamas and other fundamentalist groups seem content to bide their time rather than make a bid for power anytime soon. However, several politicians that have served under Arafat are sure to vie for power. In the wings lie non-fundamentalist Intifada leaders like the immensely popular Marwan Barghouti, today in an Israeli prison.

All of these people will have to contend with a generation of young Palestinians to whom the suicide bombers are heroes worthy of emulation. Over time, if the Israelis continue to block a just settlement that would allow the creation of a viable Palestinian state, and if the Palestinian leadership refuses to give up the so-called "right of return" to Israel proper, blocking a just settlement from its own side, then the fundamentalists are sure to grow stronger. That is the legacy of both Arafat and Sharon, as well as their colleagues.

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