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NEWS & LETTERS, APRIL 2003

Woman as Reason

Roe v. Wade 30 years later, the limits of political emancipation

by Maya Jhansi

The war has served well as a distraction from the ambitious and alarming attack on women's reproductive freedom issued by the U.S. Senate on March 13.  With a vote of 64 to 33, the Senate passed the so-called "Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act of 2003."  This bill is a well-calculated strike at Roe v. Wade on its 30th anniversary. 

Essentially, the bill criminalizes a medical procedure called dilation and extraction used  for some second trimester abortions. The term "partial birth abortion" is not recognized by the medical community.  It is a deceptive description designed to garner support for the criminalization of a safe medical procedure.  The American Medical Association as well as most other medical organizations are against such bans. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists describes so-called "partial-birth abortion" bans as "an inappropriate, ill-advised and dangerous intervention into medical decision making."  To make matters worse, the federal ban makes NO EXCEPTION FOR THE HEALTH OF THE WOMAN.

The timing is revealing. While the world watches the war on Iraq with horror, the right wing is busy pushing through its reactionary agenda at home. The hypocrisy of this is too raw to bear: war hawks waxing sentimental over "the unborn" while they wreak death and destruction on thousands of living souls.

THE RISE OF THE RIGHT

However, though the war is serving Bush as a war of distraction from the crises at home, it does not explain the victories of the Right when it comes to women's reproductive freedom.  While this federal ban is the latest and perhaps most ambitious legislative victory, the arena where the Right has gained the most ground is morality.  Over the last three decades, the right wing has succeeded in demonizing, not only abortion, but women, especially poor and Black women.  It has gained, in effect, control over the paramaters of discourse about abortion with the basic assumption that women cannot be trusted to make moral decisions about their lives.

The Right has learned a lot from freedom movements in this country, particularly the Civil Rights Movement. It mobilizes support by drawing on moral arguments, religion, philosophy and history.  It's true that their most fanatical supporters bomb clinics and kill doctors, and the so-called "moderate" supporters cover for them. But, this is not what explains the Right's victories. Indeed, the Right has been known to invoke the memory of Martin Luther King Jr. (nevermind that he was actually pro-choice and, of course, against mindless violence) to give their "movement" the semblance of ethical content.

The women's movement has gone the exact opposite way, towards pragmatism and an almost exclusive focus on electoral politics. Because the feminist movement has so narrowed its vision and focus to abortion legislation, it has not provided a viable vision to counter the lies and misinformation of the Right. The women's movement has all but ceded the moral ground to the Right.

Partly, as many women of color have noted, this comes from a narrowing of the movement to the single issue of abortion rights. This left to the side other realities specific to poor, working-class and minority women, such as forced sterilization in the 1970s, so-called population control today, lack of birth control and lack of primary health care. Many poor women are denied the "right" to be mothers and to have a family. By leaving out the concerns of women of color and poor women, the abortion rights movement narrowed its liberatory vision–and thus lost moral ground.

The movement has also left to the side the larger philosophical questions around women's reproductive lives, questions about meaning, existence, human relationships, sexual intimacy. For example, such concepts as "choice" and "self-determination" are taken for granted, without working out their emancipatory connotations. What does self-determination mean, outside of a vision of social transformation? What does "choice" mean in, for example, a context in which economic degradation makes abortion not a "choice" but an exigency?

Beyond political emancipation

I recently read an article by a libertarian who argued the pro-choice position by exalting the rights of women as autonomous individuals over the rights of the fetus, which is neither autonomous nor an individual. It seems to me the current women's movement has not gone beyond this, even though women have been the greatest critics of bourgeois individuality.

The fact is that the political emancipation of women in the U.S., hard-fought and important as it is, has always been incomplete and limited.  In many countries around the world that profess to be democracies, women's lives are circumscribed by personal codes and family laws–often created to appease fundamentalists–which exempt women from the rights accorded to "individuals." The issue of abortion in the U.S. serves this same function.

Women need a world in which they can make meaningful decisions about their bodies and minds.  Roe v. Wade itself rode the waves of a women's movement that called for a freedom beyond political emancipation. The transformation of alienated social relationships, not only between humans but also between humans and nature, is as necessary to the freedom to choose as access to safe and legal abortion. While it is important to fight to keep abortion safe and legal, it is time to start asking why we keep having to do so over and over again.

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