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NEWS & LETTERS, January-February 2002

Just off the press!

The Power of Negativity: Selected Writings on the Dialectic in Hegel and Marx

by Raya Dunayevskaya

$25.95

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From the Introduction by Peter Hudis and Kevin Anderson

(continued from last issue)

Dunayevskaya's interpretation [of Hegel's dialectic] diverges in important ways from those of other Hegelian Marxists, such as Georg Lukács and Herbert Marcuse.

As will be seen in one of the selections in this volume, Dunayevskaya applauds Lukács' argument in HISTORY AND CLASS CONSCIOUSNESS (1923) that the dialectic is the core of Marxism, but she also critiques his theory of reification. In THE YOUNG HEGEL (1948), Lukács, like Dunayevskaya, writes with respect to Absolute Knowledge in Hegel's PHENOMENOLOGY that "it would be quite mistaken to see the 'absolute spirit' as nothing but mysticism."(1) Here, as elsewhere in his work, Lukács connects Hegel's writings to the historical and social reality of his time. However, Lukács in the end dismisses Absolute Knowledge as a type of flight from objective reality which cannot serve as a source for the further development of Marxist dialectics: "Absolute Knowledge, Hegel's designation for the highest stage of human knowledge, has a definite idealistic significance: the reintegration of 'externalized' reality into the subject, i.e. the total supersession of the objective world."(2)

In his REASON AND REVOLUTION (1941), Frankfurt School member Herbert Marcuse, also like Dunayevskaya, stresses the revolutionary character of Hegel's dialectic, especially the concept of negativity: "Hegel's philosophy is indeed what the subsequent reaction termed it, a negative philosophy. It is originally motivated by the conviction that the given facts that appear to common sense as the positive index of truth are in reality the negation of truth, so that truth can only be established by their destruction."(3) At the level of the Absolute Idea, which Marcuse holds to be a "totality," he concedes that the Absolute is also "dialectical thought and thus contains its negation, it is not a harmonious and stable form but a process of unification of opposites."

However, what he ultimately stresses with regard to the Absolute is what he sees as its totalizing moment, wherein "all negativity is overcome."(4) Dunayevskaya's debates with Marcuse on these issues can be found in a number of the selections for this volume, which include several letters which form part of the extensive Dunayevskaya-Marcuse correspondence.

Dunayevskaya’s emphasis on the liberatory dimension of Hegel’s dialectic underlines her similarities as well as differences with other thinkers, such as Theodor Adorno, also of the Frankfurt School. Adorno affirmed the liberatory character of Hegel’s overall philosophy, writing in his "Aspects of Hegel's Philosophy" (1957), “In Hegel reason finds itself constellated with freedom. Freedom and reason are nonsense without one another. The real can be considered rational only insofar as the idea of freedom, that is, human beings’ genuine self-determination, shines through it.”(5)

As against those who contend that Hegel’s dialectic ignores the actual and leaves it as mere notion of freedom, Adorno argued that Hegel “accomplishes the opposite as well, an insight into the subject as a self-manifesting objectivity” (p. 7).

Yet Adorno parted company with Hegel when it came to the concept of absolute negativity. Adorno, who sought to expunge the affirmative character of Hegel's dialectic, went so far as to link absolute negativity to Nazi genocide! In the midst of a discussion of the horrors of Auschwitz and its implications for philosophy in NEGATIVE DIALECTICS (1966), Adorno writes: "Absolute negativity is in plain sight and ceased to surprise anyone."(6) On the basis of her own reading of Hegel's SCIENCE OF LOGIC, Dunayevskaya attacks this view, terming it a "vulgar reduction of absolute negativity" (see this volume, Part 4).

Adorno contended in "Aspects of Hegel's Philosophy" that Hegel’s Absolutes “dissolve anything not proper to consciousness” by reducing all existence to the self-movement of the absolute subject. By holding fast to idealism, he said, Hegel’s Absolutes invoke a totalizing subject which swallows up the actual. This, Adorno argued, bears a striking resemblance to what Marx conceptualizes as alienated labor. Just as Reason in Hegel subsumes all otherness into the self-movement of the concept, so the labor process in capitalism subsumes all human and natural contingency into the movement of mechanized, abstract labor.

According to Adorno, “In Hegel, abstract labor takes on magical form. . . . The self-forgetfulness of production, the insatiable and destructive expansive principle of the exchange society, is reflected in Hegelian metaphysics. It describes the way the world actually is” (p. 44)—but not, as in Marx, the way it can be transformed.

This notion that Hegel’s Absolutes provide, at best, a philosophical gloss for the self-expansive power of the capitalist production process, rather than, as Dunayevskaya contends, the ground for a philosophy of human emancipation, is shared in different ways by a wide variety of contemporary thinkers, including Jürgen Habermas, Gilés Deleuze and Tony Negri, Moishe Postone and István Mészáros.(7)

Another challenge to the concept of absolute negativity has come from Jacques Derrida’s deconstructionism. To be sure, Derrida has acknowledged Hegel’s creation of an “immense revolution” in philosophy “in taking the negative seriously,” and has even tried to ground his concept of DIFFÉRANCE in Hegel’s affirmation of the inseparability of identity and difference in the SCIENCE OF LOGIC.(8)  

Yet Derrida argues that the self-activating power of absolute negativity means that “the concept of a general heterogeneity is impossible” in Hegel. As Derrida sees it, Hegel’s Absolutes “determine difference as contradiction, only in order to resolve it, to interiorize it, to lift it up   . . . into the self-presence of an onto-theological or onto-teleological synthesis.”(9) He therefore calls for a total “break with the system of AUFHEBUNG [transcendence] and with speculative dialectics.”

Even more problematically, he has argued that such an “absolute break” with Hegel also characterizes Marx: “Marx [in his 1844 critique of Hegel] then sets out the critical moment of Feuerbach and in its most operative stance: the questioning of the AUFHEBUNG and of the negation of the negation. The absolute positive...hence must not pass through the negation of the negation, the Hegelian AUFHEBUNG ...”(10)

We need to underscore that Adorno’s and Derrida’s characterizations of Hegel’s concept of negativity, especially absolute negativity, are in our view quite different from those of Marx. It is true that Marx took sharp exception to Hegel, in his 1844 “Critique of the Hegelian Dialectic” and elsewhere, for dehumanizing the Idea by treating it as stages of disembodied consciousness instead of that of live men and women. As a result, Marx argued, Hegel’s philosophy ends in a series of absolutes which elevate the abstract at the expense of life itself. For this reason he called Hegel’s LOGIC “the money of the Spirit.”(11) Yet this did not mean that he followed Feuerbach in rejecting “the negation of the negation” and Hegel’s Absolutes as a mere idealist delusion.

Nor, like Adorno, did he view Hegel’s concept of dialectical self-movement as simply expressing the self-expansive power of capitalism. To be sure, Marx critiqued the way capital takes on a life of its own and becomes self-determining. He did not, however, limit the concept of self-determination to that of capital. Quite the contrary. For Marx the subjective struggle of the workers is capable of attaining a liberatory, HUMAN self-determination, by experiencing the dialectic of absolute negativity.

Marx broke this down concretely in his 1844 ECONOMIC AND PHILOSOPHIC MANUSCRIPTS by showing that the abolition of private property is merely the first negation. To reach the goal of a truly new society, he writes, it is necessary to negate this negation. In contrast to what he called “vulgar communism,” which stops at the mere abolition of private property, he stressed that only through the “transcendence of this mediation” is it possible to reach “POSITIVE humanism, beginning from itself.”

This “thoroughgoing Naturalism or Humanism,” Marx continues, is the result of the negation of the negation. This is why he writes, in commenting on the chapter on “Absolute Knowledge” in Hegel’s PHENOMENOLOGY OF MIND: “The greatness of Hegel’s PHENOMENOLOGY, and of its final result—the dialectic of negativity as the moving and creative principle—lies in this, that Hegel comprehends the self-production of the human being as a process...”(12)

Two decades later, in the closing pages of CAPITAL, Vol. I, Marx makes recourse once again to Hegel’s concept of absolute negativity, here also discussing the negation of the negation. In his discussion of “the absolute general law of capitalist accumulation,” Marx refers to the brutal expropriation of the peasants from their land during the sixteenth century agricultural revolution in England as “the first negation of private property,” in which the peasants lose their property. Over the next centuries, capitalism develops and eventually “begets its own negation,” the working class which it has called into existence. Marx concludes,

"This is the negation of the negation. It does not reestablish private property, but it does indeed establish individual property on the basis of the achievements of the capitalist era: namely, cooperation and the possession in common of the land and the means of production produced by labor itself."(13)

Thus, Marx sees Hegel’s concept of negativity and of the first and second negation neither as purely destructive nor as limiting us to an overly affirmative stance toward existing society. In addition, contrary to the claims of Louis Althusser and others, Marx’s critical appropriation of Hegel’s dialectic was continuous, even in his late writings, as seen in his reference to the negation of the negation in his MATHEMATICAL MANUSCRIPTS. (14)

In the twentieth century the emergence of new objective crises has again and again stirred interest in this dialectic of negativity, no matter how often Hegel was declared dead and buried. This has been reflected not only in the work of such Western Marxists as Lukács, Gramsci, and Adorno, but also in the dialectical humanism of the African revolutionary Frantz Fanon.

Fanon’s profound return to Hegel in light of such realities as the “additive of color” in the contemporary freedom struggles demonstrates the importance of dialectical philosophy in meeting the challenges posed by new forces of liberation.

This is no less true when it comes to today. The collapse of statist communism in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe has given new meaning to Marx’s critique of the tendency to stop at first negation, the mere abolition of private property, without moving on to the negation of the negation, and the creation of new humanist social relations. As the power of capital continues to expand and globalize, bringing with it ever-greater social dislocations and inequities, the search for new alternatives rooted in the dialectic of second negativity is sure to show itself.

This can already be seen on one level in the appearance of a number of studies over the past decade of Hegel, such as those by Daniel Berthold-Bond and John Hoffmeyer, which sharply contest the notion that Hegel’s Absolutes are a “closed ontology” signifying “the end of history.”(15) As Berthold-Bond put it in his discussion of the final pages of Hegel’s PHENOMENOLOGY,

"Absolute Knowledge is not the End of history, but the sort of knowledge which is possible only at the end of an epoch of history, and which is required to comprehend the development of the world-spirit within that epoch, so as to prepare the rebirth and transformation of the world into a new shape, a new existence. . . . Recollection [is] not only a sort of memorial of the past but an anticipation of the future, a redemption or resurrection of spirit into a new birth in historical time" (p. 136).

As Dunayevskaya noted in PHILOSOPHY AND REVOLUTION, “Hegel’s Absolutes have ever exerted a simultaneous force of attraction and repulsion” (p. 4).

We believe that Dunayevskaya’s specific interpretation of Hegel, in emphasizing the cogency of the dialectic of absolute negativity for today’s freedom struggles, takes on new life at the present juncture. As this collection will make clear, she views Hegel’s Absolutes as NEW BEGINNINGS. Central to this is her belief that the concept of absolute negativity expresses, at a philosophical level, the quest by masses of people not simply to negate existing economic and political structures, but to create TOTALLY NEW HUMAN RELATIONS as well. As Louis Dupré put it in his Preface to PHILOSOPHY AND REVOLUTION,

"A notable difference separates Raya Dunayevskaya’s from the earlier positions of [Lukács and Karl Korsch]. Their interpretation had limited the revolutionary impact of Hegel’s philosophy to the sociopolitical order. Dunayevskaya aims for a total liberation of the human person—not only from the ills of a capitalist society but also from the equally oppressive state capitalism of established communist governments' (p. xv).

In situating the concept of absolute negativity in the struggles of workers, women, youth, Blacks and other minorities, Dunayevskaya opened new doors to appropriating and projecting this concept PHILOSOPHICALLY. Once the dialectic of second negativity is seen as intrinsic to the human subject, it becomes possible to grasp and project the idea of second negativity as a veritable force of liberation. Dunayevskaya’s writings on Hegel and dialectics provide a new basis for working out a vision of the future—of totally new human relations, of an end to the division between mental and manual labor and of alienated gender relations—which can animate and give direction to the emerging freedom struggles of our time.

Our time is burdened by the absence of a vision of a future which transcends the horizon of existing society. Everywhere, we are confronted with the near-unchallenged assertion that we must accept the limits of actually existing capitalism as our sole alternative. The profound crisis of the socialist movement over the past decades has made this crisis of the imagination all the more overwhelming. The failure to project an alternative to both existing capitalism and statist communism is a more important facet of today’s social crises than is generally recognized. Unless we rethink the meaning of Marx’s Marxism in light of THIS problem, THIS reality, THIS contradiction, it is hard to see how it is possible to break through the stranglehold of retrogression which has engulfed the world ever since the Reagan-Thatcher era of the 1980s. For this reason, we believe, Dunayevskaya’s studies of Hegel’s dialectic and his Absolutes, in which she saw the vision of a liberatory future that post-Marx Marxists had failed to articulate, are more timely than ever.

NOTES

1. Georg Lukács, THE YOUNG HEGEL, trans. Rodney Livingstone (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1975), p. 510. For background on Lukács’ overall position, see especially Tom Rockmore, IRRATIONALISM: LUKÁCS AND THE MARXIST VIEW OF REASON (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992).

2. Lukács, THE YOUNG HEGEL, p. 513.

3. Herbert Marcuse, REASON AND REVOLUTION (New York: Oxford, 1941), p. 27. The best overview of Marcuse’s work remains Douglas Kellner, HERBERT MARCUSE AND THE CRISIS OF MARXISM (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984).

4. Marcuse, REASON AND REVOLUTION, p. 165.

5. Theodor Adorno, “Aspects of Hegel’s Philosophy” (orig. German edition 1957), in HEGEL: THREE STUDIES (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1994), trans. Shierry Weber Nicholsen, p. 28. All of the following page references to Adorno are to this essay.

6. Theodor Adorno, NEGATIVE DIALECTICS, trans. by E. B. Ashton (New York: Seabury Press, 1973), orig. German edition 1966, p. 362.

7. For a critique of Moishe Postone’s TIME LABOR AND SOCIAL DOMINATION: A REINTERPRETATION OF MARX'S CRITICAL THEORY, in which this position is articulated, see Peter Hudis, “Labor, High-Tech Capitalism, and the Crisis of the Subject: A Critique of Recent Developments in Critical Theory,” HUMANITY AND SOCIETY, Vol. 19, no. 4, November, 1995, pp. 4-20 and “Conceptualizing an Emancipatory Alternative: István Mészáros’ BEYOND CAPITAL,” SOCIALISM AND DEMOCRACY Vol. 11, No. 1, Spring 1997, pp. 37-54.

8. Jacques Derrida, “From Restricted to General Economy, a Hegelianism Without Reserve” (orig. French edition 1967), in WRITING AND DIFFERENCE, trans. Alan Bass (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), p. 259.

9. Derrida, POSITIONS (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, (1971), trans. Alan Bass, p. 44.

10. Derrida, GLAS (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, [orig. French edition 1974] 1986), trans. J.P. Leavey and R. Rand, pp. 200-01.

11. Marx, “Critique of the Hegelian Dialectic,” in Marx and Engels, COLLECTED WORKS, Vol. 3 (New York: International Publishers, 1975), p. 330.

12. We have used here Dunayevskaya’s more lucid first English translation of Marx’s “Critique of the Hegelian Dialectic,” which appeared in her MARXISM AND FREEDOM (New York: Bookman, 1958), p. 308. See also the more pedestrian rendering in Marx and Engels, COLLECTED WORKS, Vol. 3, p. 330.

13.  Marx, CAPITAL I, pp. 929-30.

14. See Ron Brokmeyer, Raya Dunayevskaya, et al. THE FETISH OF HIGH TECH AND MARX'S UNKNOWN MATHEMATICAL NOTEBOOKS (Chicago: News and Letters, 1984).

15. HEGEL'S GRAND SYNTHESIS, A STUDY OF BEING, THOUGHT AND HISTORY by Daniel Berthold-Bond (Albany: SUNY Press, 1989), p. 136. See also THE PRESENCE OF THE FUTURE IN HEGEL'S LOGIC by John H. Hoffmeyer (Rutherford: Associated University Presses, 1996).

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