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Essay
News & Letters, March 2001


Feminism and speculative philosophy

by Maya Jhansi

The past couple of years have brought with them significant blows to the triumphal hegemony of global capital by a new international anti-globalization movement. In the pages of NEWS & LETTERS we've tried to cover the various dimensions of this exciting movement, particularly the new openings that seem inherent in it for a renewed international women's movement. Yet today with the election of George W. Bush, we are faced with the signs of a fierce retrogression, whether we look at Bush's attempt to "Christianize" Washington or his determination to take back all rights won during the 1960s. A vibrant and vocal movement has never seemed more urgent.

In the face of such obstacles, it becomes more urgent for us to rethink the goal of our movement, and raise questions about vision and perspectives and history. While there are those who will argue that this is no time for "abstract" questions, philosophy has never seemed to me so practical, particularly if we are to address the disorientation within the Women's Liberation Movement that has limited it for the last three decades.

There has been some attempt to address the need for philosophy, as seen especially in the modest but significant renaissance of interest in Marx that runs parallel to the development of the anti-globalization movement. Yet, even with all this renewed interest in Marx, there haven't been very many attempts to rethink the question of Marx's relationship to Hegel. The question of the relationship between Marx and Hegel is assumed to have been settled long ago, and the reductionist vulgar Marxist counterposition of Hegelian idealism to Marxist materialism, to a large extent, defines current thought. For too long, it has been wrongly assumed that the "speculative dimension" is unnecessary for revolutionary theory and practice.

FEMINIST THOUGHT AND MARX

This is especially true in feminist thought where the failure to grapple with the speculative dimension of Marx's own thought has left Engels' reductionist view of Marx's dialectics virtually unchallenged. The only feminist to have called for a total reassessment of Marx's relationship to Hegelian dialectics was Raya Dunayevskaya. In doing so she uncovered a more complex picture of the gender dimension in Marx's work than is usually attributed to him.

For the most part, there has not been the sort of renewal of interest in Marx within feminist thought as there has been on a more general level. Today, even many of the formerly self-defined socialist-feminists have moved on. Allison Jagger, for instance, has an essay in a new book called DECENTERING THE CENTER: PHILOSOPHY FOR A MULTICULTURAL, POSTCOLONIAL, AND FEMINIST WORLD, edited by Uma Narayan and Sandra Harding. The essay, titled "Globalizing Feminist Ethics," focuses on morality in the global arena and draws on, among others, the work of John Rawls. Indeed, none of the essays in the book as a whole discuss in any sustained way Marx or dialectical philosophy in general. Given this paucity of feminist interest in Marx, it has become increasingly difficult to talk about the relationship of feminism to dialectical philosophy.

To complicate matters further, where feminists have shown a renewed interest in "Marxism" or what some like Rosemary Hennessy call "materialist feminism," a corresponding interest in dialectical philosophy, particularly in Hegelian philosophy, remains elusive. Nancy Hartsock is perhaps the best example in that she has persevered in her insistence that Marxism, especially Marxist dialectics, is necessary for contemporary feminist theory and politics. She writes, "The dialectical mode of understanding provides a means for us to investigate the manifold ways social forces are related, a way to examine a world in which 'objects' are defined by the relations coming to focus in them, and in which these objects are constantly changing."

Yet, in Hartsock's assertion of the importance of dialectical philosophy, what remains absent is any serious re-examination of Marx's indebtedness to Hegelian dialectics. Although, for example, Hartsock appropriates the work of Lukács, a notable Hegelian-Marxist, for her concept of the feminist standpoint, she does not herself take up the question of Hegel, even in order to more fully examine the meaning of Marxian dialectics for feminism.

It seems that in the world of feminist philosophy, theorists interested in Hegelian philosophy and those interested in Marxism remain, for the most part, sequestered in separate and mostly unrelated camps. What this has led to is a reiteration of old vulgar Marxist concepts-the assumption, for example, that Marx only dealt with class, narrowly defined as the urban, male industrial proletariat. Such post-Marxist vulgarisms as the "base/superstructure" concept, economic determinism and so on are not being questioned.

The most interesting work on Hegel comes from postmodernist and non-Marxist theorists who continue to engage with the enduring presence of Hegel in the modern and "postmodern" world. Judith Butler, quoting Althusser, emphasizes the ambivalence that greets this fact in her preface to the new edition of SUBJECTS OF DESIRE: HEGELIAN REFLECTIONS IN TWENTIETH CENTURY FRANCE: "This dead god, covered with insults and buried a hundred times over, is rising from the grave" (quoted in Butler, p. xiii). SUBJECTS OF DESIRE, which was Butler's doctoral thesis, traces Hegel's concept of desire from the PHENOMENOLOGY OF MIND through French thinkers like Kojéve, Sartre, Deleuze and Foucault.

Though well-known as a poststructuralist feminist, Butler writes that "all of my work remains within the orbit of a certain set of Hegelian questions." She even goes so far as to argue that Michel Foucault likewise remains within the orbit of Hegelian questions: "Foucault remains a tenuous dialectician, but his is a dialectic without a subject and without teleology, a dialectic unanchored in which the constant inversion of opposites leads not to a reconciliation in unity, but to a proliferation of oppositions which come to undermine the hegemony of binary opposition itself" (p. 225). Butler, like other postmodernists, stresses the contingency and lack of closure inherent to the dialectic of the PHENOMENOLOGY OF MIND.

There are, of course, a variety of feminist approaches to Hegel. Many seem to focus on Hegel's PHENOMENOLOGY OF MIND, the most influential being Simone de Beauvoir's adaptation of the master/slave dialectic in her book THE SECOND SEX. However, far from seeing the dialectic in the PHENOMENOLOGY as having anything to do with women's struggles for self-determination, de Beauvoir saw it as the expression of women's necessary Otherness and objectification.

Another feminist writer, Mary O'Brien put it this way: "There is one important sense in which Hegel's system is a 'whole,' a sense in which it does mark a break in history's hitherto unfaltering stride. The system is the most ambitious attempt ever made to define humanity as masculine, to celebrate the transformation of real people to the abstract concept of Universal Man." De Beauvoir's appropriation of Hegel did not challenge or critique this view of Hegel because she was primarily interested in arguing Otherness as the existential condition of women.

A NEED FOR SPECULATIVE PHILOSOPHY?

Given the suspicions with which feminists have greeted Hegel, I was surprised to find a book that argued for the importance of speculative philosophy for such profane realities as sex, love and family. HEGEL AND THE LOGICAL STRUCTURE OF LOVE: AN ESSAY ON SEXUALITIES, FAMILY AND THE LAW by Toula Nicolacopoulos and George Vassilacopoulos argues that: "When our awareness becomes speculative, it is an absolute negativity in the sense that its being is wholly indeterminate. If speculative awareness is the kind of awareness from which to resolve the problem of the meaning of the world's (potential) mode of being, it must construct this meaning immanently. This means that speculative awareness begins with its awareness of its lack of determinate being and of its need to determine itself as, or to become, the notion of the world's mode of being. This is the sense in which speculative awareness becomes speculative."

The authors argue that it is precisely the failed attempts at revolution that have revealed to the world the need for speculative philosophy, since speculative awareness is meaning or conceptuality derived from our total alienation. They critique the "theme-centeredness" of modern philosophy, its anti-systematic nature.

Much of the book attempts to argue the syllogistic relationship between Hegel's three major "mature" works, the SCIENCE OF LOGIC, the PHILOSOPHY OF NATURE and the PHILOSOPHY OF MIND. In the SCIENCE OF LOGIC, the Idea develops itself in and for itself, "in the element of its pure self-recognition, that is, in pure thought and as pure thought," and at its completion (as the Absolute Idea) recognizes "itself as a being that lacks determinateness" and turns to Nature and then returns to itself in the PHILOSOPHY OF MIND.

Yet although the authors seem to capture the self-movement of the Idea, and talk about its self-determination, they don't really address Hegel's dialectic of negativity itself. The latter half of the book consists of their attempt to show how the categories of Mind are developed into a system of social and ethical life, particularly family, love and law. They make some interesting points, arguing that there is nothing in Hegel to prohibit same sex relationships and that there is much in Hegel to support a feminist conception of human relationships.

Yet their premise is one that spirits away Marx. That is, their call for a return to speculative philosophy is based on the idea that since we are totally alienated beings, speculative philosophy best articulates our reality because it is itself "meaning derived from our totally alienated relationship to the world." Our failure to transform reality "turns our reflective self-relation into pure awareness." Thus, they begin with the SCIENCE OF LOGIC because it develops the Idea's awareness of its lack of determinate being. From that they derive social and political realities. Living in a time of retrogression such as ours, such an approach seems to have validity. That is, philosophy seems not to inhere in reality, to be rather in a separate compartment altogether.

Yet this is precisely Marx's critique of Hegel: that he remained sequestered within an alienated mode of thought. Thus, though he credits Hegel with articulating the "moving and creative principle of history," the dialectic of negativity and transcendence, yet still for Hegel, Marx argued in his now famous 1844 "Critique of the Hegelian Dialectic," transcendence meant the transcendence of objective reality. Hegel equated alienation with objectivity itself. Thus, transcendence meant the transcendence, not only of alienation, but of objectivity itself.

This is also what the authors of HEGEL AND THE LOGICAL STRUCTURE OF LOVE seem to argue as the basis of "speculative philosophy." "Marxists" have taken Marx's critique of Hegel to mean that Marx was opposed to Hegelian "idealism." What Dunayevskaya has shown, however, is that far from turning Hegel on his head, as Engels and vulgar post-Marx Marxists after him argue, Marx appropriated the Hegelian dialectic with a "real corporeal" human subject at its center.

MARX ENGAGES HEGELIAN PHILOSOPHY

It is a difficult and complex question. On the one hand, Marx did argue that the Hegelian dialectic was mystified and dehumanized. On the other hand, the Hegelian dialectic "in and for itself" served Marx, and later those like Dunayevskaya, as "the source of all dialectic." That is, Marx's philosophy does not begin with the abolition of Hegelian philosophy, but is rather always in engagement with it.

It is ironic that feminists are doing and have done such interesting work on Hegel. Butler, for example, follows the work of Jean-Luc Nancy and other French Hegelians in arguing that Hegel himself confounds those who would attempt to locate dogmatism and teleology in his philosophy. Yet when it comes to the very separate world of "Marxism," the dogmatism, teleology, economic determinism, and gender reductionism that is attributed to Marx go virtually unchallenged!

But these are very related phenomena-the refusal to delve into the Marxian-Hegelian dialectic helps to perpetuate the vulgarisms of "post-Marx Marxism." It is only by addressing the question of Hegel that looms so large in Marx that we can prevent the reification of Marx's ideas into an heirloom, a set of political conclusions, slogans, programs, dogma.

An interrogation of the Marx/Hegel relation can open up vistas for feminism. That was Dunayevskaya's argument. Instead of accepting the reductionism instigated by Engels as Marx's, we need to try to delve into Marx's own comprehension of his body of ideas as a philosophy of revolution.

Doing so will enable us to reconceptualize a truly revolutionary feminism and even re-energize the Women's Liberation Movement.




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