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News & Letters, July 2001


Asian youths fight racism in Britain

London--The pretensions of the main political parties to keep race out of the general election campaign last month were blown apart in Oldham by the forced entry onto the agenda of the day by those on the receiving end of the racist reality. For three nights in early June, Oldham, in Lancashire, Northern England was rocked by a spontaneous act of rebellion in which Asian youth fought running battles first with neo-Nazis, then with the Greater Manchester Police. The reverberations of the youth uprising continued with major confrontations in the city of Leeds days later and in the neighboring town of Burnley on June 23 and 24.

The action was sparked by gangs of far right thugs attacking houses and people on the street. A pregnant woman was kicked in the stomach. As the police were nowhere to be seen, "when it came to our doorstep people defended themselves" as one youth put it.

Ashid Ali, of the Oldham Bangladeshi Youth Association, declared, "We had a community here that had been boiling up and this was the spark that started the fire." When the police did arrive in force they began arresting the Asian youth, who then turned their rage against the police.

Ateeq Siddique, an anti-racist activist in Bradford, Yorkshire added, "What's happening in Oldham isn't about so-called 'racial tensions.' It's about naked, violent racism: the racism of the far Right and the racism institutionalised within the police force."

The Commission for Racial Equality, in a 1994 study of unlawful segregation in housing by Oldham Borough Council, found that 71% of tenants on one rundown estate were Asian, while on a nearby modern estate only one resident was Asian.

The high vote for the British National Party across Oldham represents, to quote one bourgeois paper, a "carnival of regression." Despite this, the aspiration to working class unity remains a core principle of socialism; but the problem in Oldham, and elsewhere, does not simply, as most of the Left argues, arise from the bosses' traditional tactic of divide and conquer; our class is already conquered and at present we are not even within striking distance of the bourgeoisie.

Another problem is that narrowing the fight against racism to the question of violence alone abandons the problem of a racist capitalist society itself. Instead, removed from the context of a racist society, racist attacks are portrayed as a problem of individual psychology. Racial violence can become a blanket term for any violence between people of different races--so that Blacks are seen to be as capable as whites of racist attacks. Racist violence loses its specific meaning, as violence caused by racial oppression, and becomes just another crime.

The prevailing misconception is that the cause is of something outside, alien to this society, in particular the presence of the fascists. There is no doubt that the activity of the tiny fascist groups with three election candidates in Oldham has been a major contribution to the racism. Furthermore BNP candidates in two Oldham constituencies polled 11% and 16% of the vote from local whites and that percentage is several times more than anyone in the Socialist Alliance got anywhere in England and Wales.

Whilst that is disturbing enough, the fact cannot be ignored that the SA did not see themselves as capable of meeting the racist challenge in the Oldham except by ANL deliveries of "Don't Vote Nazi" leaflets. In fact, the phenomenon of a fascist revival in the election is rooted in the decomposition of old-Labourist class politics and its replacement by Blairism. Because New Labour has expunged the idea of class struggle in its ranks, it tries to explain away the problems of the working class as an "attitude problem"; resistance and struggle rather than "upward mobility" as an option for working class communities is not on the agenda. (Oldham has, after all, stood by the Labour Party for years.)

Nor evidently is it on the agenda of the Trotskyist Left who, in the Oldham elections, decided not to field a candidate and thus effectively tail-ended New Labour in the cause of "anti-fascist unity."

In reality New Labour acts as if the white working class was born racist and as such should be demonised, attacked and excluded from the Third Way vision of England. Thus Blair and company claim that Oldham is an exception, and they have one solution: police repression, which is in any case racially biased. That's reflected in the prison population in the UK which is now 20% non-white.

It should not be forgotten that 19th century Oldham and Lancashire as a whole were bastions of radical Chartism and working class solidarity with the anti-slavery Abolitionist cause in the USA. Remnants of this tradition have been expressed by the postal workers' union who challenged the legal mass distribution of racist literature during the election campaign. And Paul Hargreaves of the Fire Brigades Union, addressing the urgency to "stamp out racism and the fascists," rightly noted, "The police aren't going to stop them. It's up to us."

--London Corresponding Committee

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