Woman as Reason
October 2000
NGOs: a new politics of organization?
Maya Jhansi
This past year has seen a resurgence of the spirit of anti-capitalist
defiance. Whether we look at youth fighting against sweatshop labor, or
anti-police brutality struggles, or the environmental justice movement,
it's clear that women from the lowest and deepest sectors of society are at
the front lines of today's freedom movement.
There is a corresponding rethinking going on in feminist theory as well, a
growing sense of the need to reconnect theory to the creative struggles of
women at the grassroots levels. I have seen lots of critiques of the way
feminism has become "professionalized" and quiescent. To me, the important
point here is not "professionalization" per se, but the question of what
exactly happened to the revolutionary potential of the movement that
erupted out of and against the New Left in the late 1960s and 1970s when
women demanded a total transformation of human relations, i.e., a
revolution that would create a totally new woman, man, a new way of loving
and living.
To Raya Dunayevskaya, this showed the philosophic depth of the Women's
Liberation Movement, especially in the call for non-elitist, decentralized
organization. Women demanded a transformation in human relations, not just
after the revolution, but in the very organization that would help make the
revolution. Now, 30 years later, a new form of organizing dominates the
women's movement: Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). We have to at
least ask each other why this is.
One particular essay I read this summer offers some interesting insights.
It is entitled, "The NGOization of Feminism: Institutionalization and
Institution Building with the German Women's Movement" by Sabine Long (in
TRANSITIONS, ENVIRONMENTS, TRANSLATIONS: FEMINISMS IN AN INTERNATIONAL
POLITICS (1997), eds Joan Scott, Cora Kaplan, Debra Keates). In this essay,
Long critically examines the women's movement in Germany after 1989. "The
creation," she writes, "of a more 'women-friendly' civil society was one of
the myths associated with the peaceful revolution of 1989 in East Germany."
However, noting that not much improvement was made in women's lives or
women's mobilization after 1989, Long focuses on the new "politics of
organization," that emerged, writing, "Ultimately it seems as though
sisterhood has converged in what I call the establishment of NGOs instead
of political movements."
Long is very critical of the NGO form of organizing, arguing that on the
whole NGOs channel women's efforts into small-scale, single-issue and
predominantly pragmatic and state-oriented directions. Long connects this
to the influence of postmodernism on the movement. "NGOization entails,"
she argues, "a shift away from experience-oriented movement politics toward
goal and intervention-oriented strategies....In that sense it might be also
interpreted as a reply and a statement about the 'grounding of feminist
politics once the existence of women as women is put into question.'"
It cannot be denied that many NGOs do indispensable work. While some NGOs
are the right arm of global capital, others are clearly on the side of the
forces of revolt. In Malaysia, for example, only NGOs have worked with
women from the deepest layers-women lost in the informal sector of the
workforce. Still, I think Long has raised some important critiques.
Most intriguing is Long's suggestion that the NGOization of feminism stems
from the focus on "civil society." She herself does not raise the issue of
whether the focus on "civil society" is a marker of the Left's abdication
of Marxism; in fact, she calls state-capitalist societies state socialist,
relegating socialism to the dustbin of history.
I think there is an objective reason why the focus on "civil society" has
become so popular. And I think it's related to postmodernism, too. Marx
gives us an insight in "On the Jewish Question." He writes: "None of these
so-called rights of man goes beyond the egoistic man, beyond man as a
member of civil society, as man separated from life in the community and
withdrawn into himself, into his private interest and his private arbitrary
will. These rights are far from conceiving man as a species-being. They
see, rather, the life of the species itself, society, as a frame external
to individuals, as a limitation of their original independence."
In civil society under capitalism, freedom is not based on the linking of
human beings, but on their separation. The anti-humanism of postmodernism
likewise negates the social bonds of humanity. When the Left, including the
feminist Left, settles for "civil society" as a replacement for a real
alternative to capitalism, it fails to address people's desire to end
alienation, to have an "individualism that lets nothing interfere with its
universalism."
The creative struggles of women and youth today demand more imagination on
our parts. They demand a reconception of the socialist idea. Without such
an idea, the politics of organizing will remain circumscribed by the given.
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