Editorial
March 2000
Abolish the racist death penalty
Illinois Governor George Ryan, a Republican who favors the death penalty,
stunned political commentators with an announcement on Jan. 31 that he was
proclaiming a temporary halt to executions in the state. No other state in
which the death penalty prevails has undertaken such a move. Illinois has
executed 12 men since the U.S. Supreme Court gave the states a green light
to resume capital punishment in 1976, but what precipitated Ryan's action
was not a reversal of his position on the death penalty itself, but instead
a devastating string of releases of prisoners-13 in all-who had been
wrongly convicted and sentenced to die. The 13 released men reflected the
national Death Row population in that most of them were Black.
While some noted that Ryan's action coincided with an increase in intensity
of a Federal investigation into financial corruption in his gubernatorial
campaign, in all likelihood it was the need for an attempt at damage
control in the face of the near-total discrediting of the criminal justice
system in Illinois which motivated him.
The Illinois moratorium announcement had a slow but sure impact outside
the borders of the state. President Clinton announced on Feb. 4 that Ryan's
action had provoked him into considering a similar move which would cover
those under Federal death sentence, but almost as quickly decided against
it. Like Ryan, Clinton does not oppose the death penalty and even signed a
death warrant for a mentally retarded man in his last days as Governor of
Arkansas.
In addition to whatever may have briefly taken place in Clinton's
conscience, the Illinois moratorium will continue to affect national
politics in this presidential election year. Texas Governor George W. Bush
has already had to defend what can only be described as the assembly line
pace of executions-7 in this year alone-in his home state. He has, however,
remained adamant in defense of the death penalty as an institution and
refused to halt the Feb. 24 execution of a woman convicted of killing her
husband. This was the second woman put to death in Texas since 1976.
Ryan's action and the national reaction it garnered show the growing
impetus of the small, but significant, anti-death penalty movement. It is
highly unlikely that Ryan would have taken the action he did without the
grassroots pressure of the supporters and family members of the wrongly
condemned men and the tireless activity of those who, like the Northwestern
University journalism students who exposed the discrepancies which existed
in the case of Anthony Porter, released from Death Row in February of 1999,
aided in the overturning of the convictions in the 13 cases.
Activity from within the prison walls has played a part as well, as much
publicity of the cases of the Death Row 10-Chicago men convicted with the
help of confessions tortured out of them by police officers-has been gained
by the self-organizing they have undertaken in their own defense.
While a moratorium is not an unconditional victory, it is a significant
development in a positive direction. There is every possibility that the
inquiry Ryan proposes to launch into the death penalty in Illinois may
result in some recommendations for reforms and a resumption of executions.
But it does present an opportunity for further efforts toward anti-capital
punishment education and agitation.
Despite what is generally recognized as a national predominance of public
support, or at least tolerance of, the death penalty, there are signs that
things may be changing. Five states currently have moratorium bills pending
in their legislatures and a number of city councils, including
Philadelphia, the home town of journalist and Pennsylvania Death Row inmate
Mumia Abu-Jamal, have gone on record in support of moratorium bills.
Furthermore, the moratorium permits those opposed to the death penalty to
reflect on the concept of abolitionism itself, a term increasingly used by
the movement to describe itself and its goal. The nineteenth-century
American abolitionists were characterized by nothing if not their
unflinching devotion their cause and an absolute refusal to compromise it.
If the movement is to measure itself against that historical yardstick,
then indeed a model exists for a campaign which will welcome the respite a
moratorium represents, but will in turn use it to push forward towards the
building of a real movement against the racist American institution of the
death penalty.
The small victory conceded to the movement against capital punishment by
the disorganized criminal justice system in Illinois is to be welcomed. It
should redouble the efforts of all those opposed to executions carried out
by the state power of a monumentally inequitable social system.
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