July 2000

War in Horn of Africa

There are historic, ideological and economic reasons for the war between Eritrea and Ethiopia. Eritrea, which for 50 years was under Italian colonial rule, never gained independence after the defeat of Italian forces in World War II, in which Eritrean forces played a vital role. British rule from 1941 to 1952 and Ethiopian colonization from 1952 onward instigated strong nationalist feelings within the Eritrean people, which lay the ground for the national liberation struggle in 1961 under the leadership of the Eritrean Liberation Forces (ELF).

The ELF never developed to face the challenges of the liberation struggle, but found itself more and more involved in sectarian struggle within the movement. Some of the forces involved in this movement had hidden agendas, thus, for example, making it possible for Saudi Arabia to achieve an impasse in the liberation struggle through its relationship with some of the Islamist groups in the alliance.

The overthrow of the Ethiopian regime of Haile Selassie in 1974 following the famine brought to the forefront the pro-Stalinist Workers Party of Ethiopia under the leadership of Mengistu. The Workers Party never saw the national question as a fundamental question, even though it claimed to be Marxist-Leninist. It was determined to crush all liberation struggles within the Ethiopian empire and almost eradicated the ELF forces in 1978 during the Soviet military intervention.

A more serious liberation movement was established by 1970 in Eritrea, the Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front (EPLF), which was ideologically inspired by Chairman Mao and had a national democratic program with a line of struggle independent from the influence of the Soviet Union, China and the USA. It was perhaps the only liberation struggle in Africa able to maintain such independence; none of the superpowers were interested in the liberation struggle or an independent Eritrea.

IDEOLOGICAL CONFLICT

The Tigre Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF), dominated by the pro-Albanian Marxist-Leninist League of Tigre, has been the dominant force in the Ethiopian government since the liberation of Ethiopia from the Stalinist regime of Mengistu. The TPLF believed that all national groupings within the Ethiopian empire had a right to national self-determination, and a greater Tigre was a fundamental aim in its liberation struggle.

Though there had been serious ideological conflict between the TPLF and the EPLF, their relationship was of great importance in the struggle against the Stalinist regime and in the marginalization of the reactionary ELF forces. The military forces of the two movements played the decisive role during the final assault against Addis Ababa in 1991.

The Ethiopian government gave support to the independence of Eritrea after the 1993 referendum. This brought about an internal crisis within the governing Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). There are forces within the EPRDF who are against the division of Ethiopia, thus raising questions as to the final intentions of the government of Meles Senawi, who is from the TPLF. The conflict led to the withdrawal of the Oromo Peoples Democratic Organization and the Oromo Peoples Liberation Force from the EPRDF to continue their struggle for the liberation of Oromo.

THE WAR'S IMPLICATIONS

Eritrea has insisted that the border conflict with Ethiopia started in July 1997, not May 1998 as the Organization of African Unity indicated. The Ethiopian government's war might be a tactical move to satisfy factions within the TPLF who are still determined to see an independent greater Tigre. Eritrea shares a border with Tigre, which made Eritrean independence a sensitive issue within the TPLF alliance. There is also an economic factor in Ethiopia's interest in having access to the harbor towns of Assab and Massawa. The TPLF not only is in conflict with its former comrade in arms, but openly gives support to the reactionary forces of the ELF, which is now the main opposition party in Eritrea.

The EPLF in Eritrea seems to have given up its Maoist ideological positions, now finding allies away from the revolutionary forces, turning its back on the Eritrean peasants, who have been the main force of the movement, and making the women's liberation struggle a secondary issue. The political degeneration of the EPLF leadership might be an important factor in creating an opening for the reactionary forces of the ELF.

The EPRDF, which launched a military offensive at a time when millions of Ethiopian people face famine, will in the near future find itself in conflict with other liberation struggles within the country. There is great potential, with the experience of the people in both countries, for new forces to bring to the forefront fundamental questions of survival and liberation. The women, especially in Eritrea, played a great role in the liberation struggle, and their marginalization since victory brings to the fore serious political questions coming from within the women's liberation movement. That gives all hope that the situation is not as hopeless as it appears.

—Ba Karang