December 2000

The New Freedom Movement in Iran

Editor's note: Gholamreza Mohajerinejad is a leader of the July 1999 student protests in Iran. He left Iran after his release from prison to speak out and mobilize support for his imprisoned comrades, especially Manuchehr Mohammadi, an Iranian dissident whose life remains in grave jeopardy. The following is a translation of a talk by Mohajerinejad to the Chicago local of News and Letters Committees on Oct. 22.

In July of 1999 Iranian students rose up for the first time since the university purges began in 1981-83. This was a most remarkable achievement given the long history of war, murder, and violence that form the basis of the present regime.

The U.S. embassy hostage taking in 1979 destroyed international solidarity with Iranians and projected a violent image of us. The war with Iraq allowed two dictators to send hundreds of thousands to their deaths and provided a perfect pretext for sending opposition members into prisons or death camps.

During the 1980s students and faculty whose only crime was thinking differently and demanding freedom were purged. Only those with Islamic tendencies backed by the regime were allowed open activities on the university campus.

This was similar to what happened under totalitarian Communist regimes. In Iran, instead of the official state ideology of "dialectical materialism" theological studies were forced on students. University admittance was often based on rigid selection standards where Islam was the cover over human creativity.

BIRTH OF NEW STUDENT MOVEMENT

After the Iran-Iraq war, new opportunities arose for students to make demands. These were very oppressive times, but there was also finally some room for expression. In 1994 a group of students began a secular student movement. One of its founders, Manuchehr Mohammadi, is now in prison. I was honored to help in the formation of this movement.

What we did was considered insanity at the time. We were viciously attacked. Vigilantes attacked Mohammadi, and only the university president was able to pull him out and save him. We were also attacked in the dormitories and had to go into hiding for a year and a half.

Our crime was refusing to pledge allegiance and demanding a non-religious regime. After a period of underground work, such as distribution of our demands in flyers, we decided to begin openly mobilizing the student movement again in 1997.

Our open protests began with syndicalist and ended with political demands. For the first time students came out 10,000-strong and confronted security forces on the streets with the slogan, "Long live freedom!" and "Down with dictatorship!"

NEW KIND OF OPPOSITION

Having lived under conditions of war and murder for over 15 years, we decided to move in a non-violent and lawful direction. Although some of the pre-1979 generation of freedom fighters did not agree with this approach, we considered it to be the best way to achieve our goal. Because we live in an information age, we chose to let the battle of ideas and confrontation of rational thoughts be the way of reaching success. Besides, faced with a regime that was so armed to the teeth, we had no choice. Armed struggle was tried for many years, and it had only proven to give more time and power to the regime.

It was during this time that Khatami was elected as president. Our student organization voted for him, but we made clear that we didn't consider him our savior, and we didn't have faith in him. We declared even then that those who participated in elections did it to say "no" to the Islamic regime.

The struggle took a serious turn when even many of those in the regime began repeating our slogans. But I believe just as the sun must eventually break through the clouds, so too their true colors must also begin to show themselves.

Mohammadi and I were invited to speak outside the country two years ago. Because we promoted non-violence, many considered us to be opportunists. I was sad to see such factionalism. When Mohammadi and I returned to Iran, we continued pursuing our goals with very few resources.

In 1998-1999, historic events occurred in the universities. Student protests in July 1999 were preceded by major student mass activities in May and June after a number of government-sponsored assassinations of opposition writers. One major clash with the police occurred at a funeral near Tehran when many of us began to speak out.

During this period of attacks we received no support from university administrators. Both the right wing and Khatami supporters attacked us.

In July 1999, after public student gatherings in support of freedom of the press, our dormitories were attacked and several people were killed. During the first night of attacks, we saw students being thrown out of windows. We saw bodies smashed on the ground, students shot from a few feet away, and heads split open. Countless others were viciously beaten.

There was no way to be silent now. It was at this point that our slogan became directly aimed at the supreme leader, Khamenei himself. At first we called on him as supreme commander to respond. He refused. Then our slogan became "Commander in Chief resign!" He was openly taunted and shamed.

This was a major event. It helped to break the taboo of questioning a supreme religious leader in Iran. People who originally did not support us now valiantly confronted the regime and faced guns without any fear.

Two days later Mohammadi and I were arrested after being pursued by a large police force in house to house searches of neighborhoods. We were accused of bringing the supreme leader to tears on TV and were viciously beaten and tortured as an act of revenge. For 130 days we were in Evin Prison.

I was condemned to death on my first day of imprisonment. If this were the 1980s I would have been executed immediately. It is not that the regime is any different today; its that pressure internationally and from former supporters has weakened it.

That a majority of Iranians do not want a religious regime has become very clear. They are demanding a separation of religion and state. This is a crucial moment. If these demands are not supported, the people will take to the streets in a volcanic eruption. This will engulf the entire region.

We look forward to the creation of a new democracy. At this moment in Iran the foundation for a new society is taking shape. We won't allow our rights to be taken away again. It will happen one way or the other.