Philosophic Dialogue
December 1999
Democracy and revolution in Iran
The most massive struggles since the 1979 Revolution broke out throughout
Iran on July 13, 1999. The large protests of students in Teheran University
and 18 other major cities-like Tabriz, Shiraz, Isfehan, Mashhad and
Yazd-were joined by a large number of non- students. The security forces
and goon squads attacked these protests. They were later joined by the
armed forces and the announcement of martial law.
The form of these protests and the way they were suppressed reminds us of
the 1979 February uprising. There were many demands raised by the student
groups. They denounced Khamenei, the supreme leader, and also condemned the
Islamic republic. These struggles and student protests which were supported
by a large section of the population contain within themselves the notion
of uprooting the foundations of the Islamic Republic. Therefore I see it as
a turning point in the struggle, a process that can separate the
revolutionary from counter-revolutionary forces.
The causes of this struggle are clear: The economic bankruptcy of the
regime which reflects the permanent crises of world capitalism; the lack of
any serious attempt to meet the economic-political-social demands of the
masses; the loss of credibility of the office of supreme leader (Velayat-e
Faghih) and its attempt to export the revolution; the failure of President
Khatami's economic plans in the last two years.
At first glance, it might appear that the students have been defeated. Yet
in my view, one of the achievements of the movement has been the break-up
of the illusions some had about the so-called moderate Khatami faction.
During the 1848-49 revolutions in Europe, Karl Marx supported the movements
led by the bourgeoisie while they were fighting against autocratic rulers.
It was through his participation in those movements in 1850 that he reached
the formulation calling for "Revolution in Permanence": "The chief result
of revolutionary movement is not what the people won, but what they lost,
the loss of their illusions."
The July uprising in Iran also contained such elements of a loss of one's
illusions about reformism. The fear of this movement has also brought
closer together different factions within the government in order to
maintain its power against the further development of mass consciousness.
There are two very different attitudes toward the present developments in
Iran. First, there is the attitude that limits the struggles for freedom to
democracy and civil society. This attitude limits the struggle to one of
defending President Khatemi and the so-called reform movement against
Khamenei, the conservative.
Of course, it is necessary to do what we can against the lack of any civil
rights and try to bring an end to the fascist tactics used by the goon
squads and death squads in Iran. But how can the Left and radical groups
which know the long struggles against this regime forget about them and
suddenly take up the banner of civil society alone?
The other view is one that defends the mass struggles and their demands for
democratic rights but does not stop there, and seeks to go beyond this. It
questions the whole of the regime and highlights the radicalism of the
movement. This second tendency lacks a concrete, specific articulation of
the many dimensions of the movement in Iran.
Here I will point out some of these dimensions: women's struggles vs. male
domination, sexual discrimination in both legal codes and social behaviors,
the struggle of women for control over their own bodies, and personal
affairs; minorities' struggles for self-determination, especially the
Kurds; urban and rural working class struggles; religious minorities such
as Bahais and Jews who suffer discrimination and persecution; the struggle
to separate religion from the state; ending legal persecution of gays and
lesbians.
What must distinguish us from the reformists is that we do not want to
limit the struggle to democracy and civil society or create new barriers
for the mass movement. At the same time, we do not want to be like some on
the Left who stay away from mass struggles for democracy. We want to have a
specific analysis of specific conditions and to seek to concretize a
philosophy of revolution for our times. We do not want to separate a
philosophy of revolution from concrete struggles for freedom.
As Marx wrote to Arnold Ruge, "Nothing prevents us from making criticism of
politics, participation in politics, and therefore real struggles, the
starting point of our criticism, and from identifying our criticism with
them. In that case we do not confront the world in a doctrinaire way with a
new principle: Here is the truth, kneel down before it! We develop new
principles for the world out of the world's own principles. We do not say
to the world: Cease your struggles, they are foolish; we will give you the
true slogan of struggle. We merely show the world what it is really
fighting for, and consciousness is something that it has to acquire, even
if it does not want to."
In another place Marx wrote, "We can formulate the trend of our journal as
being: self-clarification (critical philosophy) to be gained by the present
time 'of its struggles and desires. This is a work for the world and for
us. It can be only the work of united forces. It is a matter of a
confession, and nothing more. In order to secure remission of its sins,
mankind has only to declare them for what they actually are."
If we want to respond fully and creatively to the movement, our attitude
toward mass struggles must articulate these demands and not take an
administrative approach towards them from above.
In Iran at this moment, freedom of speech and press has become a major part
of the struggle for freedom. Take the latest attacks on four students and a
teacher for publishing and performing "Wave", a play that is said to insult
Islam, and as such, they will be sentenced to prison for heresy. We need to
find ways to express our defense of speech and press freedom. This can be
done through holding meetings and conferences and contacting others to
create a network of support, and organizing protests.
- Ali Reza Ardebili
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