From the Writings of Raya Dunayevskaya: Marxist-Humanist Archives
October 1998
The despotic plan of capital vs. freely associated labor
Editor's Note: Raya Dunayevskaya, in the period 1949-51, wrote much on the relationship of
philosophy and economics, specifically on the relationship of Hegel's
SCIENCE OF LOGIC and Marx's CAPITAL. She was, she wrote later, "changing
the form of my work" on the theory of state-capitalism and Marxism to what
became her first book, MARXISM AND FREEDOM (published 1958). Because
today's global economic crisis demands a return to Marx's categories, we
print the first pages of a written draft for an oral presentation on "form
and plan" dated Dec. 27, 1950 which takes up these categories. The full
document can be found in THE RAYA DUNAYEVSKAYA COLLECTION, 9250-9280.
Unity of labor and MEANS of labor has gone through some violent
transformations during various historic periods, none being more disastrous
than when labor was SEPARATED from the means of labor. The separation of
labor from its means signalled the birth of capitalism. It was followed by
separation of town from country, of mental from manual labor. The unity of
labor and means of labor was then achieved by the INDIVIDUAL capitalist
bringing many workers together in HIS workshop so that he could extract
from them as much labor as possible. This plan of the capitalist gave the
labor process its DESPOITIC FORM.
All the while the workers COOPERATED in the labor process to which they had
been brought by the WILL of the capitalist. They REVOLTED, first against
the AUTHORITY of the capitalist, then against the MACHINE by which the
capitalist sought to discipline the workers with ITS OWN oppressive
compulsion. The plan of the capitalist assumed more despotic forms, for it
compelled cooperation of the laborers in a manner which would produce
SURPLUS labor, and this aim of the capitalist was served well by the
regularity, uniformity, order and economy introduced by machine production.
At the same time the machines, which disciplined the laborers, also
ORGANIZED AND UNITED them, and now their revolt assumed [a] new form: that
of an ORGANIZED MASS POWER.
We then have the plan of the capitalist to bring the workers together for
purposes of extracting unpaid labor: it is despotic in form and individual
in content. The revolt of the workers, which is at first anarchic in form,
breaking up machines, is from the first, however, cooperative in content.
The plan of the capitalist to bring the workers together to labor in common
for purposes of extracting unpaid labor from them TRANSFORMS the simple
labor process into a MEANS of extracting surplus labor. The labor process
becomes, thus, capitalistic in truth, and the form becomes the more
despotic with the authority of the capitalist being supplemented by the
vampire of [the] machine, into which all science has been incorporated, and
which thrives on living labor. On the other hand, the worker is bereft of
the virtuosity he possessed as a craftsman and transformed into a mere
appendage to the machine. The division of labor between mental and manual
thus further degrades the worker, whose quest for universality, or desire
to be a whole man, becomes total. His revolt now assumes a new form; he
revolts with his fellow man, and in revolting as a SOCIAL individual the
revolt becomes cooperative in both content and form.
At the same time the constant crises in production and the revolts
engendered befuddle the minds of men who are OUTSIDE of the labor process.
They see this civil war between capitalist and worker not as it is in the
labor process where, the capitalist's plan having become its MOITVE FORCE,
it is no longer a NATURAL unity of labor and means of labor to create
products of labor, but a CAPITALIST unity, which forces labor into one
abstract mold and thus gives products of labor their VALUE-FORM. They see
it, rather, in the forms which it assumes on the surface, where surplus
labor appears as surplus product and hence PLANLESSNESS. They thereupon
contrast the ANARCHY ofthe market to the order in the factory. And they
present themselves as the CONSCIOUS planners who can bring order also into
"society," that is, the market.
Marx's answer to these first PLANNERS-to Sismondi, who "impersonated the
doubts" of the [classical political economists'] analysis, which was
dominated by ITS CLASS concept of form as identical with content, by
asking, couldn't large-scale production be controlled; to Malthus, whose
concept of order was that of the feudal order with its FIXED relations; to
Proudhon, whose petty-bourgeois conception of social order revealed itself
in trying to build a halfway house between the old and the actually
existing by SYNTHESIZING the two, instead of TRANSCENDING-was very simple.
It amounted to this: "If the order of the factory were also in the market,
you'd have complete totalitarianism." In 1847 Marx expressed the
anticipation of this in the phrase "one single master":
"If the division of labor in a modern factory were taken as a model to be
applied to an entire society, the society the best organized for the
production of wealth would be incontestably that which had but one single
master distributing the work, according to a regulation arranged beforehand
to the various members of the community" (POVERTY OF PHILOSOPHY, [Chicago:
Charles H. Kerr, n.d.] p. 147).
Two decades later the mature Marx keeps emphasizing that what appears
"ideally, in the shape of a preconceived PLAN of the capitalist" is
"practically...the shape of the AUTHORITY of the same capitalist, in the
shape of the powerful will of another, who subjects their activity to his
aims." And CAPITAL then proceeds to demonstrate what forms the despotism
evolves: first the capitalist is relieved of "actual labor" but does the
supervision OVER labor; then he is relieved of "the labor of
superintendence": "An industrial army of workmen, under the command of a
capitalist, requires, like a real army, officers (managers), and sergeants
(foremen, overlookers), who, while the work is being done, command in the
name of the capitalist" (CAPITAL, Volume 1[Chicago: Charles H. Kerr, 1906],
p. 364).
Then [Marx] shows that it is not control necessitated by the cooperative
character of the labor process, but the DIFFERENT work of control
"necessitated by the capitalist character of that process and the
antagonism of interests between the capitalist and laborer." It is because
it is rooted in this CLASS ANTAGONISM that its form must always remain
despotic, and this despotism, which shows itself in the market as
"anarchy," cannot be done away with by bringing "order" also into the
market. The despotism will only become total then. It can be done away with
only by its absolute opposite, that is, the COOPERATIVE FORM OF LABOR of
"FREELY ASSOCIATED MEN" CONSCIOUSLY PLANNING. So that the opposition is not
between "anarchy" and "plan," but between the plan of the capitalist, which
is always despotic in form, and the plan of freely associated men, which is
always cooperative in form, and in content.
The [classical political economists'] thesis of LAISSEZ-FAIRE, or free
trade, while showing its concern with the DISTRIBUTION of total product
between the CLASSES, expressed nevertheless a complete faith in the
economic laws as being in full consonance with the "natural order." They
were thus having their cake and eating it too_saying that labor was the
source of value, but feeling no compulsion, since they never enter the
factory, to account for the SURPLUS labor. They merely took it for granted
as "inherent" in production.
The planners wished upon the market the stranglehold of the factory order,
which had no reality for them since they, too, had never entered the
factory. Order, to them, meant the ABSTRACT plan in their heads, not the
real plan the workers had to contend with in production.
The thing that we must never forget is that plan arising from intellectual
analysis and plan arising from the cooperative labor process, which evokes
the creative mass movement, are such irreconcilable opposites that even
Marx, before he had entered the factory, that is, in his [Contribution to
the] Critique [of Political Economy], floundered among the market forms,
which are not really forms, general OR concrete, but TRANSformations of
what they were once. The TRANSFORMATION makes the form either the DIRECT
OPPOSITE of the productive form or at least so DIFFERENT from it that full
contradiction must of necessity result.
Let me state right here that we have greatly underestimated Volume III of
CAPITAL, which deals with these transformations. It is true that we caught
its ESSENCE when from the start we put our finger on the spot and said the
DECLINE in the rate of profit is crucial; the average rate of profit is
completely secondary. Look at the mess we would have been in if we had not
seen THAT and suddenly found ourselves, as did the Fourth [International],
tailending the Stalinists' sudden "discovery" (which had been precisely the
PERVERSION with which the Second International PLANNERS had long ago tried
to corrupt Marxism) that it was the AVERAGE rate of profit which was the
"law of capitalism."
Good, we saw the essence, but that is insufficient, and because that is
completely insufficient, we were incapable of being sharp enough even here.
For it is insufficient merely to state that the decline [in the] rate of
profit, not the average, is crucial for understanding VOLUME III. The full
truth is: JUST AS MARX'S THEORY OF VALUE IS HIS THEORY OF SURPLUS VALUE, SO
HIS THEORY OF SURPLUS VALUE IS IN REALITY THE THEORY OF THE DECLINING RATE
OF PROFIT.
Why couldn't we state it this simply before? It is because we have been too
busy showing that profit is only a disguise which surplus value wears and
must be removed, again to see "the real essence": exploitation of labor.
Because the opponents we were facing were Workers Party
underconsumptionists, we had to overemphasize this EVIDENT truth. But to
overemphasize the obvious means to stand on the ground the opponents have
chosen. Freed from these opponents and faced with PLANNERS WHO ARE NOT
UNDERCONSUMPTIONISTS the greater truth of what Marx was saying suddenly
hits us in the eyes with such force that now we can say: How could we have
not seen what Marx was saying? It is all so clear: Since the realization of
surplus value IS the decline in the rate of profit, the poor capitalist
MUST search for profits.
However, adds Marx, you market theorists who think this decline is due to
competition are wrong. And as for you, the planners, who think that the
reason for the capitalist's search for profits is "ONLY" his subjective
desire and your plan to do away with the DISPROPORTIONS of his production
should knock some sense into his head, are way off the beam. First of all,
his subjective desire reflects only the OBJECTIVE truth of his method of
production, and you'd have to start there, where the disproportion rules,
and not from any SCHEMA. Secondly, competition merely AVERAGES out the rate
of profit, without either producing the decline OR the anarchy. Finally and
above all, competition itself arises from the immanent laws of capitalism.
So we are back to production, where the relationship of constant capital
(machines) to variable [capital] (living labor) produces the whole mess.
Look at the miserable soul of the capitalist, who is forced by the very
METHOD of production, and regardless of the DEGREE of exploitation, to find
himself in the perverse dilemma of getting a declining rate of profit even
where there is a rising ratio of surplus value, that is to say, even where
he intensifies the exploitation of the worker and thus gets greater masses
of unpaid labor.
Now, it is this decline in the rate of profit which dominates over the
transformation of value into price, profit into average profit, surplus
profit into ground rent. It is the TRANSFORMATION of surplus value into
rate of profit that is the REALITY of capitalism. This, in the main, is the
subject of Volume III [of CAPITAL]. We have been all too busy running back
to essence and showing that, in their totality, all prices equal all
values, and profit is but a portion of surplus value, etc. That is true,
but it is not the whole truth.
In their totality prices are values, but that makes them NEITHER identical
in their unit NOR one the same as the other in their totality. A
transformation has occurred. Marx says values and prices are different and
must be different and yet be related. He is, therefore, not merely
returning to essence, but proceeding from essence to notion, that is to
say, to that unity of essence and form which, on the one hand, holds us all
in its grip, including even the miserable capitalist, and, on the other
hand, can be transcended only in transcending the VALUE-FORM and
establishing its complete opposite: the COOPERATIVE-FORM. Without that, all
these transformations of form only continue the perversion of subject and
object in the process of production:
"The way in which surplus-value is transformed into profit...is but a
continued development of the perversion of subject and object taking place
in the process of production. We have already seen that all subjective
forces of labor in that process appeared as productive forces of capital.
On the one hand, the value of past labor, which dominates living labor, is
incarnated in the capitalist. On the other hand the laborer appears as
materialized labor-power, as a commodity. This perverted relationship
necessarily produces even under simple conditions of production certain
correspondingly perverted conceptions, which represent a transposition in
consciousness, that is further developed by the transformations and
modifications of the circulation process proper" (CAPITAL, Volume III
[Chicago: Charles H. Kerr, 1909], p. 58-9).
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